), Campaign contributions flow into districts from the outside, so it would not be surprising to find that benefits go where the resources are.96.

Erikson has found that roll call records are interestingly related to election percentages: "[A] reasonable estimate is that an unusually liberal Republican Representative gets at least 6 per cent more of the two-party vote … than his extreme conservative counterpart would in the same district." After defining framing and framing effects, we articulate a method for identifying frames in communication and a ...Read More, Shanto Iyengar, Yphtach Lelkes, Matthew Levendusky, Neil Malhotra, Sean J. WestwoodVol. In discussing policy responsiveness in Congress during the 1870s, for instance, Thompson (1985, pp.

1996). gun controll],' one Tydings strategist admitted. Moreover, incumbents could not seek nominations directly during the nineteenth century, as nominations were determined by party conventions and were also sometimes subject to informal term limits (i.e., rotation). Doing so required no special skills or talents.

The method of attracting outside district constitutents is a way to sabotage those home district running candidates. Vol. Electorally vulnerable or marginal legislators, for example, should be less likely to support legislation that is politically unpopular. Vol. This article proves that many congressmen flip flop between policies to gain more voters over time. The Nevada electorate reacted predictably; Baring's November percentages rose astoundingly high (82.5 percent in 1970), but he encountered guerrilla warfare in the primaries which finally cost him his nomination in 1972—whereupon the seat turned Republican. 15: Much of the difference must be attributed to the war issue. Since the publication of Mayhew's (1974) seminal work on Congress and the electoral connection, conventional wisdom has held that his argument about viewing legislators as “single-minded seekers of reelection” really only applies to the contemporary era, specifically, the post–World War II era. Sprinkling a district with dams, after all, is something a congressman is supposed to be able to do. You know how looking at a math problem similar to the one you're stuck on can help you get unstuck? First, members must be able to seek reelection, should that be their goal. For many congressmen credit claiming on nonparticularized matters is possible in specialized subject areas because of the congressional division of labor. 343, Annual Review of Political Science After [Governor Ronald] Reagan's victory [in 1966], Mailliard's voting record became noticeably more conservative. Beginning in the late 1880s and stretching into the 1910s, states took over the balloting process, and the unofficial party ballot was replaced by an official government ballot (for a list of adoption dates by state, see Albright 1942, Engstrom & Kernell 2005). The discussion is of the pre-1972 sixth California House district: Since 1952 the district's congressman has been Republican William S. Mailliard, a wealthy member of an old California family. 175 29 July 2013. Incumbents use advertising, credit-claiming, and particularized benefits to win reelections. The statement may take the form of a roll call vote. We also allow for flexibility in our assessment of each condition, to determine if it operated differently than what we have come to expect in the modern era. All of them, after all, are professional politicians. Others contend that nineteenth-century voters evaluated candidates based on party affiliation rather than legislative actions (Skeen 1986) and generally did not hold public officials accountable for their individual behavior in office (Formisano 1974). - May not be scanned, copied or duplicated, or posted to a publicly accessible website, in whole or in part. Vol. CourseReader n.d.

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